This is the second post written to both honor and spread awareness of gender diversity across cultures in both past- and present-day. To adequately do that, I will be addressing the forms of oppression these communities have faced as well and the implications that they have had on BIPOC communities today. While I have done some additional research, much of my analysis for this post in particular has been drawn from research I have done for classes in the past, and I will share sources throughout as well! If you have not already read the first post addressing the overall topic, I would highly recommend doing so for additional context.
In the pre-Colonial Philippines, gender equality was fairly common in many aspects of life such as in inheritance, trade, and the ability to divorce (Craig Lockard, Southeast Asia in World History, 79). This was also true in most regions in regard to tasks of shamanism and the participation in seances. Shamans in the Visayan region were known as “babaylan,” but were also known as “katulunan” in elsewhere (Alfred W. McCoy, "Baylan: Animist Religion and Philippine Peasant Ideology," 145). In the baranganic social structure, those initiated to be shamans had their own social class. According to Marie Lou Frias Bautista in "Historical Influences on Gender Preference in the Philippines", this class presided over different rituals and ceremonies as well as ensuring that the community was healthy (145). The seances that took place required possession and trance and could only be done by a shaman (Charles MacDonald, "Folk Catholicism and Pre-Spanish Religions in the Philippines," 85). The shaman were often elderly females or young males who would be considered “transvestites” or crossdressers from a Western lens as they adopted a feminine appearance upon being initiated (MacDonald, 85). The latter were sometimes referred to as “asog” and were generally well-accepted by their communities to present themselves in this way (Lisa Poirier, "Shamanism, Catholicism and Gender Relations in Colonial Philippines"). Unfortunately, when the Spanish colonized these regions in the sixteenth century, they not only considered the religious practices of the Indigenous people to be morally inferior, but rather their way of life entirely (Lockard, 80). Those who served as babaylan were especially met with hatred by clergy. One Catholic priest described them as “[…] loathsome creatures, foul, obscene, truly damnable. My task [is] to reduce them to order” (Lockard). With the imposition of Catholicism, gender equality in these societies were generally lost as well. Only men were permitted to be Catholic priests, though there were few Indigenous men who were even allowed to do so early on (Bautista, 145). Premarital sex was forbidden, especially for women, who had much sexual agency prior to colonization. They were also no longer permitted in the public sphere and were instead instructed to stay at home to tend to their husbands and children (145). However, many did not conform completely or at all. The ways in which women operated in private was not always subservient in spite of having lost their high positions after being devalued by Spanish culture and the Church. According to Lockard, “A long-lasting contradiction developed between the considerable power of women in family and town life and male-chauvinistic attitudes” (80). He further asserts that women “still controlled family finances, led underground animistic rites, and enjoyed a reputation for self-reliance” (80). In addition to underground activity, the Indigenous revolts that occurred between the 17th and 20th centuries were often led by babaylan among the Visayan especially. Alfred McCoy explains in “Baylan: Animist Religion and Philippine Peasant Ideology” that the political leaders called the “datu” were either eliminated by the Spanish or were coerced to side with them, and the people would then turn to the babaylan for leadership as a result. The babaylan were effective in gathering the support of the people by assuring them that they would be protected from Spanish weapons and by also threatening those who did not participate with the power of harmful spirits. In terms of spirituality, I do know that though approximately 85% of the population in the Philippines today identify as Catholic, much of their Christian practices have been long syncretized with Indigenous spiritual ones. Some scholars assert that there have also been revivals of Baylan spirituality in some regions, but that is where my current knowledge ends. I am curious to know more of how gender roles, gender identity, and gender expression come into play in how these practices are carried out today and will be sure to update this post if I do eventually learn more. Until then, I will continue learning and writing about gender diversity in other cultures for future posts, though there may be other topics in between them. Again, I am in no way an expert in regard to the nuance of these identities and how they fit within their respective cultures. With that said, I think it is important to challenge the widely-held belief that everyone always have and do fit into boxes that have imposed on many and to honor those who have been affected for generations. - Bek Works Cited and Further Reading: BAUTISTA, MARIE LOU FRIAS. "Historical Influences on Gender Preference in the Philippines." Journal of Comparative Family Studies 19, no. 1 (1988): 143-53. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41601414. Lockard, Craig A. Southeast Asia in World History. Cary: Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2009. 79-83. Macdonald, Charles J-H. "Folk Catholicism and Pre-Spanish Religions in the Philippines." Philippine Studies 52, no. 1 (2004): 78-93. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42633685. McCoy, Alfred W. "BAYLAN: ANIMIST RELIGION AND PHILIPPINE PEASANT IDEOLOGY." Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 10, no. 3 (1982): 141- 94. http://www.jstor.org/stable/29791761.
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January 2024
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